In partenza…

Manco a farlo apposta sono di nuovo in partenza. Stavolta però per una vacanza di piacere alla volta di Londra...se qualcuno è in zona mi faccia sapere! Torno domenica sera! Poi Martedì parto nuovamente...ma stavolta rientro in valle!

Spero vivamente che ci siano ancora 40 gradi in patria perché qua l'autunno è iniziato il 9 Agosto...ed è difficile spiegare cosa significa desiderare ardentemente il sole!

Contest: l’homepage di Repubblica.it in caso di fine del mondo

Come sapete in questi giorni di parla spesso di fine del mondo a causa dell'avvio delle'esperimento LHC. Ho già avuto modo di affrontare la questione in precedenza, per cui non mi voglio ripetere su quello che penso.

Quello che voglio presentare è un contest, nato oggi stesso dalla mia mente diabolica con l'ispirazione di Lorenzo (o chi per lui): disegna l'homepage di Repubblica.it in caso di fine del mondo.

Il motivo? Beh...è abbastanza semplice, qualcuno ne ha già esplicitamente parlato in passato, quindi anche qui non c'è bisogno di ripeterlo...

Quello che dovete fare è semplice: fate un disegno (col computer, a mano libera, col sangue, etc.) su quella che potrebbe essere la homepage di Repubblica.it in caso di fine del mondo, dando particolare importanza alle dichiarazioni di politici, imprenditori, personaggi dello spettacolo e chi più ne ha più ne metta.

Io inizio col darvi qualche suggerimento...

Perchè il mondo non finirà il 10 Settembre


Onestamente comincio a stancarmi di leggere ovunque che il 10 Settembre finirà il mondo a causa del buco nero creato da LHC che ci risucchierà tutti.

Allora, prima di tutto non è possibile perché il 10 Settembre ci sarà solo una prova generale del fascio di adroni, quindi niente collisioni, quindi niente buchi neri.

Secondo, come avrete già letto, quello che cercheremo di ricreare succede continuamente a causa dei raggi cosmici che ci "penetrano" anche in questo momento, mentre io scrivo il post e voi leggete.

Se poi volete dare retta alle vostre fonti autorevoli e non a quelle ufficiali (beh si, questa è un po' più difficile da capire...) sappiate che non ci sono rimedi che vi possano mettere al riparo.

Poi questa cosa che il mondo sparirà in 4 anni proprio non mi capacito di capirla...troppe teorie...troppa voglia di mettere il proprio nome in mostra.

Comunque quelle che chiamate fonti autorevoli informano che da Strasburgo è arrivato l'ok all'esperimento...

Se siete infine curiosi di vedere la fine del mondo potete collegarvi, il 10 Settembre, alla diretta, tramite l'eurovisione oppure in streaming.

Per la cronaca, e poi concludo, LHC verrà fatto funzionare a 0.45 TeV invece dei 14 previsti...

Enough


In attesa di sentire la risposta di Mr. McCain, mi chiedo: cambiamento si, ma quale?

To Chairman Dean and my great friend Dick Durbin; and to all my fellow citizens of this great nation;

With profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination for the presidency of the United States.

Let me express my thanks to the historic slate of candidates who accompanied me on this journey, and especially the one who traveled the farthest - a champion for working Americans and an inspiration to my daughters and to yours -- Hillary Rodham Clinton. To President Clinton, who last night made the case for change as only he can make it; to Ted Kennedy, who embodies the spirit of service; and to the next Vice President of the United States, Joe Biden, I thank you. I am grateful to finish this journey with one of the finest statesmen of our time, a man at ease with everyone from world leaders to the conductors on the Amtrak train he still takes home every night.

To the love of my life, our next First Lady, Michelle Obama, and to Sasha and Malia - I love you so much, and I'm so proud of all of you.

Four years ago, I stood before you and told you my story - of the briefu nion between a young man from Kenya and a young woman from Kansas who weren't well-off or well-known, but shared a belief that in America, their son could achieve whatever he put his mind to.

It is that promise that has always set this country apart - that through hard work and sacrifice, each of us can pursue our individual dreams but still come together as one American family, to ensure that the next generation can pursue their dreams as well.

That's why I stand here tonight. Because for two hundred and thirty two years, at each moment when that promise was in jeopardy, ordinary men and women - students and soldiers, farmers and teachers, nurses and janitors -- found the courage to keep it alive.

We meet at one of those defining moments - a moment when our nation is at war, our economy is in turmoil, and the American promise has been threatened once more.

Tonight, more Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More of you have lost your homes and even more are watching your home values plummet. More of you have cars you can't afford to drive, credit card bills you can't afford to pay, and tuition that's beyond your reach.

These challenges are not all of government's making. But the failure to respond is a direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W. Bush.

America, we are better than these last eight years. We are a better country than this.

This country is more decent than one where a woman in Ohio, on the brink of retirement, finds herself one illness away from disaster after a lifetime of hard work.

This country is more generous than one where a man in Indiana has to pack up the equipment he's worked on for twenty years and watch it shipped off to China, and then chokes up as he explains how he felt like a failure when he went home to tell his family the news.

We are more compassionate than a government that lets veterans sleep on our streets and families slide into poverty; that sits on its hands while a major American city drowns before our eyes.

Tonight, I say to the American people, to Democrats and Republicans and Independents across this great land - enough! This moment - this election - is our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive. Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third. And we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look like the last eight. On November 4th, we must stand up and say: "Eight is enough."

Now let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and respect. And next week, we'll also hear about those occasions when he's broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.

But the record's clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush ninety percent of the time. Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than ninety percent of the time? I don't know about you, but I'm not ready to take a ten percent chance on change.

The truth is, on issue after issue that would make a difference in your lives - on health care and education and the economy - Senator McCain has been anything but independent. He said that our economy has made "great progress" under this President. He said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong. And when one of his chief advisors - the man who wrote his economic plan - was talking about the anxiety Americans are feeling, he said that we were just suffering from a "mental recession," and that we've become, and I quote, "a nation of whiners."

A nation of whiners? Tell that to the proud auto workers at a Michigan plant who, after they found out it was closing, kept showing up every day and working as hard as ever, because they knew there were people who counted on the brakes that they made. Tell that to the military families who shoulder their burdens silently as they watch their loved ones leave for their third or fourth or fifth tour of duty. These are not whiners. They work hard and give back and keep going without complaint. These are the Americans that I know.

Now, I don't believe that Senator McCain doesn't care what's going on in the lives of Americans. I just think he doesn't know. Why else would he define middle-class as someone making under five million dollars a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies but not one penny of tax relief to more than one hundred million Americans? How else could he offer a health care plan that would actually tax people's benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize Social Security and gamble your retirement?

It's not because John McCain doesn't care. It's because John McCain doesn't get it.

For over two decades, he's subscribed to that old, discredited Republican philosophy - give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. In Washington, they call this the Ownership Society, but what it really means is - you're on your own. Out of work? Tough luck. No health care? The market will fix it. Born into poverty? Pull yourself up by your own bootstraps - even if you don't have boots. You're on your own.

Well it's time for them to own their failure. It's time for us to change America.

You see, we Democrats have a very different measure of what constitutes progress in this country.

We measure progress by how many people can find a job that pays the mortgage; whether you can put a little extra money away at the end of each month so you can someday watch your child receive her college diploma. We measure progress in the 23 million new jobs that were created when Bill Clinton was President - when the average American family saw its income go up $7,500 instead of down $2,000 like it has under George Bush.

We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off to look after a sick kid without losing her job - an economy that honors the dignity of work.

The fundamentals we use to measure economic strength are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great - a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.

Because in the faces of those young veterans who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton's Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the GI Bill.

In the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the night shift, I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to food stamps but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country with the help of student loans and scholarships.

When I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local steel plant closed.

And when I hear a woman talk about the difficulties of starting her own business, I think about my grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle-management, despite years of being passed over for promotions because she was a woman. She's the one who taught me about hard work. She's the one who put off buying a new car or a new dress for herself so that I could have a better life. She poured everything she had into me. And although she can no longer travel, I know that she's watching tonight, and that tonight is her night as well.

I don't know what kind of lives John McCain thinks that celebrities lead, but this has been mine. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped me. And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep our promise alive as President of the United States.

What is that promise?

It's a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.

It's a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.

Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves - protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.

Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who's willing to work.

That's the promise of America - the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother's keeper; I am my sister's keeper.

That's the promise we need to keep. That's the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am President.

Change means a tax code that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it.

Unlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.

I will eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.

I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.

And for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as President: in ten years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the Middle East.

Washington's been talking about our oil addiction for the last thirty years, and John McCain has been there for twenty-six of them. In that time, he's said no to higher fuel-efficiency standards for cars, no to investments in renewable energy, no to renewable fuels. And today, we import triple the amount of oil as the day that Senator McCain took office.

Now is the time to end this addiction, and to understand that drilling is a stop-gap measure, not a long-term solution. Not even close.

As President, I will tap our natural gas reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness nuclear power. I'll help our auto companies re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I'll make it easier for the American people to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable sources of energy - wind power and solar power and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced.

America, now is not the time for small plans.

Now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the global economy. Michelle and I are only here tonight because we were given a chance at an education. And I will not settle for an America where some kids don't have that chance. I'll invest in early childhood education. I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. And in exchange, I'll ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American - if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a college education.

Now is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible health care for every single American. If you have health care, my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that members of Congress give themselves. And as someone who watched my mother argue with insurance companies while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.

Now is the time to help families with paid sick days and better family leave, because nobody in America should have to choose between keeping their jobs and caring for a sick child or ailing parent.

Now is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses; and the time to protect Social Security for future generations.

And now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day's work, because I want my daughters to have exactly the same opportunities as your sons.

Now, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I've laid out how I'll pay for every dime - by closing corporate loopholes and tax havens that don't help America grow. But I will also go through the federal budget, line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less - because we cannot meet twenty-first century challenges with a twentieth century bureaucracy.

And Democrats, we must also admit that fulfilling America's promise will require more than just money. It will require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to recover what John F. Kennedy called our "intellectual and moral strength." Yes, government must lead on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and businesses more efficient. Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into lives of crime and despair. But we must also admit that programs alone can't replace parents; that government can't turn off the television and make a child do her homework; that fathers must take more responsibility for providing the love and guidance their children need.

Individual responsibility and mutual responsibility - that's the essence of America's promise.

And just as we keep our promise to the next generation here at home, so must we keep America's promise abroad. If John McCain wants to have a debate about who has the temperament, and judgment, to serve as the next Commander-in-Chief, that's a debate I'm ready to have.

For while Senator McCain was turning his sights to Iraq just days after 9/11, I stood up and opposed this war, knowing that it would distract us from the real threats we face. When John McCain said we could just "muddle through" in Afghanistan, I argued for more resources and more troops to finish the fight against the terrorists who actually attacked us on 9/11, and made clear that we must take out Osama bin Laden and his lieutenants if we have them in our sights. John McCain likes to say that he'll follow bin Laden to the Gates of Hell - but he won't even go to the cave where he lives.

And today, as my call for a time frame to remove our troops from Iraq has been echoed by the Iraqi government and even the Bush Administration, even after we learned that Iraq has a $79 billion surplus while we're wallowing in deficits, John McCain stands alone in his stubborn refusal to end a misguided war.

That's not the judgment we need. That won't keep America safe. We need a President who can face the threats of the future, not keep grasping at the ideas of the past.

You don't defeat a terrorist network that operates in eighty countries by occupying Iraq. You don't protect Israel and deter Iran just by talking tough in Washington. You can't truly stand up for Georgia when you've strained our oldest alliances. If John McCain wants to follow George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy, that is his choice - but it is not the change we need.

We are the party of Roosevelt. We are the party of Kennedy. So don't tell me that Democrats won't defend this country. Don't tell me that Democrats won't keep us safe. The Bush-McCain foreign policy has squandered the legacy that generations of Americans -- Democrats and Republicans - have built, and we are here to restore that legacy.

As Commander-in-Chief, I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm's way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home.

I will end this war in Iraq responsibly, and finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts. But I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression. I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation; poverty and genocide; climate change and disease. And I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future.

These are the policies I will pursue. And in the weeks ahead, I look forward to debating them with John McCain.

But what I will not do is suggest that the Senator takes his positions for political purposes. Because one of the things that we have to change in our politics is the idea that people cannot disagree without challenging each other's character and patriotism.

The times are too serious, the stakes are too high for this same partisan playbook. So let us agree that patriotism has no party. I love this country, and so do you, and so does John McCain. The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the United States of America.

So I've got news for you, John McCain. We all put our country first.

America, our work will not be easy. The challenges we face require tough choices, and Democrats as well as Republicans will need to cast off the worn-out ideas and politics of the past. For part of what has been lost these past eight years can't just be measured by lost wages or bigger trade deficits. What has also been lost is our sense of common purpose - our sense of higher purpose. And that's what we have to restore.

We may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country. The reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than for those plagued by gang-violence in Cleveland, but don't tell me we can't uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals. I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in the hospital and to live lives free of discrimination. Passions fly on immigration, but I don't know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers. This too is part of America's promise - the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort.

I know there are those who dismiss such beliefs as happy talk. They claim that our insistence on something larger, something firmer and more honest in our public life is just a Trojan Horse for higher taxes and the abandonment of traditional values. And that's to be expected. Because if you don't have any fresh ideas, then you use stale tactics to scare the voters. If you don't have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run from.

You make a big election about small things.

And you know what - it's worked before. Because it feeds into the cynicism we all have about government. When Washington doesn't work, all its promises seem empty. If your hopes have been dashed again and again, then it's best to stop hoping, and settle for what you already know.

I get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don't fit the typical pedigree, and I haven't spent my career in the halls of Washington.

But I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the nay-sayers don't understand is that this election has never been about me. It's been about you.

For eighteen long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said enough to the politics of the past. You understand that in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result. You have shown what history teaches us - that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn't come from Washington. Change comes to Washington. Change happens because the American people demand it - because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.

America, this is one of those moments.

I believe that as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming. Because I've seen it. Because I've lived it. I've seen it in Illinois, when we provided health care to more children and moved more families from welfare to work. I've seen it in Washington, when we worked across party lines to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans and keep nuclear weapons out of terrorist hands.

And I've seen it in this campaign. In the young people who voted for the first time, and in those who got involved again after a very long time. In the Republicans who never thought they'd pick up a Democratic ballot, but did. I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day than see their friends lose their jobs, in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb, in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.

This country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that's not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that's not what makes us strong. Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that's not what keeps the world coming to our shores.

Instead, it is that American spirit - that American promise - that pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain; that binds us together in spite of our differences; that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend.

That promise is our greatest inheritance. It's a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night, and a promise that you make to yours - a promise that has led immigrants to cross oceans and pioneers to travel west; a promise that led workers to picket lines, and women to reach for the ballot.

And it is that promise that forty five years ago today, brought Americans from every corner of this land to stand together on a Mall in Washington, before Lincoln's Memorial, and hear a young preacher from Georgia speak of his dream.

The men and women who gathered there could've heard many things. They could've heard words of anger and discord. They could've been told to succumb to the fear and frustration of so many dreams deferred.

But what the people heard instead - people of every creed and color, from every walk of life - is that in America, our destiny is inextricably linked. That together, our dreams can be one.

"We cannot walk alone," the preacher cried. "And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back."

America, we cannot turn back. Not with so much work to be done. Not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for. Not with an economy to fix and cities to rebuild and farms to save. Not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend. America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone. At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise - that American promise - and in the words of Scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.

Thank you, God Bless you, and God Bless the United States of America.

-- Sen. Barack Obama, DNC 2008

Trasloco terminato

Sembra impossibile ma alla fine sono riuscito a traslocare in un weekend! Peccato fosse l'unico weekend in cui a Genève c'erano 30 gradi... :(

La mia nuova stanza è adesso piena di scatoloni che non ho ancora il coraggio di aprire...già l'aver montato cassettone, armadio e libreria in un giorno mi sembra abbastanza!

Spero a breve di recuperare una macchina fotografica per mostrarvi la nuova casa...ed ovviamente organizzare il party di inaugurazione!

Trasloco in corso

 

 

Sarebbe troppo lunga da spiegare adesso, ma quello che mi attende è un lungo weekend dedicato al trasloco! Cambio casa! Chiunque abbia intenzione di dare una mano si faccia vivo al più presto...

Botellón




Sembra che anche qualcuno dell'amministrazione genevoise abbia letto le fantastiche ordinanze italiane, che tanto hanno destato scalpore (ma allo stesso tempo ironia) fuori dallo stivale.

C'è stato infatti un accordo tra i vari partitini del comune di Genève per l'abolizione della piaga sociale dell'estate: i botellónes.

Si perché una volta che i giovani si erano organizzati per dare vita a questa città dormitorio, i ginevrini vecchio stampo hanno percepito quella inesistente cosa chiamata disagio giovanile.

I botellones, tradizione che proviene dalla Spagna, altro non sono che raduni improvvisati nei parchi della città (che non mancano qua a Genève), dove solitamente si portano bevande per intrattenersi nella conversazione. Diciamo che sono la risposta dei giovani ai 20 franchi per un long drink in qualunque locale di Genève, alle restrittive norme per essere ammessi ad entrare in un club ed anche allo sgombero di tutte le aree sociali avvenute negli ultimi tempi.

Ovviamente per i ginevrini vecchio stampo questo è un fenomeno da reprimere perché (traduco le motivazione trovate nel forum della Tribune de Genève):

  • porta i giovani al coma etilico, aumenta la confusione notturna, porta i giovani a guidare ubriachi e altri disordini
  • i giovani sono contro la guerra, contro la cacca dei cani, contro le cicche delle sigarette, l'inquinamento delle auto, ma non si rendono conto della m***a che lasciano in giro con questi botellónes, con il rischio che i bambini o i cani si facciano male
  • l'odore dell'urina al mattino è insopportabile
  • non c'è più religione
  • i giovani non sanno fare altro che stare fuori, giocare alla Wii, ubriacarsi, restare davanti alla TV, insultare, minacciare l'ordine pubblico, farsi, gettare le cartacce sui marciapiedi, etc.
  • ...

Se la soluzione adottata dall'amministrazione è quella di vietarli, salvo autorizzazione preventiva da parte del comune, io suggerisco la seguente soluzione: aspettate l'inverno, vedrete che questa piaga sociale scomparirà (per quelli che vivono a Firenze, quello che succede in piazza S. Croce insegna...). Un po' di festa in questo periodo che chiamano estate non fa' male a nessuno...

Stay free


Una canzone che in questi giorni non posso fare a meno di sentire è Stay Free dei Clash.

E' una canzone sull'amicizia, una canzone molto personale da parte dei Clash.

Narra gli episodi fin dai tempi della scuola di Mick Jones (il chitarrista dei Clash) e dell'amico Robin Banks, che finì in prigione.

Nel testo della canzone Jones fà rivivere le avventure quali le lotte contro i "bulli", il rispondere in maniera piuttosto diretta ai professori ed essere espulsi.

E mentre un giorno Jones si concentrava nel suonare la chitarra a casa, Banks fù preso insieme ad altre persone mentre rubavano in un negozio di scommesse.

Con l'arresto di Banks, Jones perse i contatti con lui, ma con questa canzone vuol ricordare all'amico che non dimenticherà mai quello che hanno passato insieme.

Per finire Jones incoraggia l'amico con un'enigmatica "go easy, step lightly, be free".

We met when we were in school
Never took no shit from no one, we weren't fools.
The teacher says we're dumb
We're only having fun
We piss on everyone...
In the classroom

When we got thrown out I left without much fuss
An' weekends We'd go dancing
Down Streatham on the bus

You always made me laugh,
Got me in bad fights,
playing pool all night,
Smokin' Menthol

I practiced daily in my room
You were down the Crown planning your next move
Go on a nicking spree,
Hit the wrong guy,
Each of you get three...
Years in Brixton!

I did my very best to write
How was Butlins?
Were the screws too tight?
When you lot get out,
We're gonna hit the town,
We'll burn it fuckin' down...
To a cinder!

'Cos years have passed and things have changed
And i move anyway i wanna go!
I'll never forget the feeling i got
When i heard that you were home!
An' I'll never forget the smile on my face
'Cos i knew where you would be!
An' if you're in the Crown tonight,
Have a drink on me,
But go easy... Step lightly... Stay free...

Una canzone insomma che dovrebbe farvi ritornare alla mente qualche amico con cui avete perso i contatti, ma di cui ancora oggi narrate le gesta...

Ordinanze all’italiana

Finché lo dicono a Studio Aperto è da ridere, poi quando lo vedi sulla stampa internazionale ti fa scoppiare dalle risate!

Tourists beware: if it's fun, Italy has a law against it

Head for the beach or a park bench without knowing the rules, writes Peter Popham, and you could come home with a hefty fine

In addition to the usual perils of sunburn, jellyfish attacks and bottom-pinching, holidaymakers in Italy face a new range of menaces this summer, the result of the Berlusconi government's frontal assault on what it calls the "security emergency".

The nation's mayors have been given carte blanche to write laws to address their own particular security hang-ups. The result is a blizzard of new rules and regulations that threatens to turn the bel paese into the biggest nanny state of them all.

Unwary foreigners risk getting hefty fines for doing things that are perfectly legal everywhere in the world except the particular town or city where they find themselves.

In Genoa, for example, it is now against the law to walk around with a bottle of wine or can of beer in your hand. In Rome that is okay, but if you stretch out under a pine tree or on the Spanish Steps to drink it, or merely to eat a sandwich, your "indecorous" behaviour may be penalised. Likewise if your al fresco snack is followed by a nap.

Stiff regulations are aimed at beach-goers: on one beach in Olbia, Sardinia, smokers risk a €360 (£280) fine, while nationwide, the minister of welfare has imposed a ban on massages offered by immigrants, warning of the possible dangerous effects of "aesthetic or therapeutic services" offered by those "not in possession of adequate training or competence".

At Eraclea, near Venice, parents need to keep a beady eye on their children: sandcastles are banned, as they "obstruct the passage" along the beach. Racketball and other ball games are forbidden on many beaches, and swimmers who dive heedlessly into the sea may face whopping fines if they are not in "permitted areas".

And woe betide holidaymakers in many seaside towns who wander away from the beach clad only in boxers or bikinis: it's against the law.

The nationwide witch-hunt against the vendors of counterfeit designer bags has been fortified in Ostia, Rome's most popular beach, by the use of patrolling helicopters, making the Italian beach experience even more hellish than usual.

Away from the water, things don't get any easier. Two people may sit down on a park bench in the city of Novara, but if a third person joins them and it's after 11pm, all three are breaking the law. In Viareggio the benches may contain as many people as care to squeeze on to them, but if one of them puts his feet up on it he risks a fine. Scatter breadcrumbs for pigeons in the city of Lucca and you could end up hundreds of euros poorer.

The drive against begging has been taken up by many towns – including Assisi, home of St Francis, who began his religious life as a mendicant. In the romantic city of Verona they have taken this trend to its logical conclusion, requiring the beggars' takings to be confiscated. And in Florence it is now illegal to clean the windscreens of cars waiting at traffic lights.

Silvio Berlusconi's government may be the first in the world to have introduced a "minister of simplification", with the job of identifying and abolishing redundant laws, but in the interests of greater local democracy and security his interior minister, Roberto Maroni, has allowed a thousand legal flowers to bloom.

Most of them will probably never be enforced, but that will be scant consolation to the pigeon-feeder whose holiday souvenirs include a large fine.

fonte: The Indipendent

Bloody Mary

Bloody Mary

In uno shaker:

  • ghiaccio
  • 2 parti di vodka
  • 4 parti di succo di pomodoro
  • un cucchiaino di salsa Worchestershire
  • due schizzi di salsa Tabasco
  • a piacere: qualche goccia di lime e un pizzico di sale
  • Agitare bene e servire in un tumbler basso
  • Guardire con un gambo di sedano

Una volta buona che mi decido a comprare un libro (e leggerlo) è giusto che gli faccia perlomeno una piccola recensione.

Questo racconto thriller di J.A. Konrath intitolato "Bloody Mary" non è che mi abbia colpito più di tanto, a differenza dell'entusiasmante critica con cui è venduto.

Al limite posso dire che mi ha appassionato (l'ho letto in 3 notti), ma pensavo fosse decisamente meglio. Per farla breve, a metà del libro, forse prima, l'assassino viene arrestato. Segue il dibattimento in aula per decidere o meno se farlo uscire per infermità mentale...e succede la cosa più scontata...

Una volta uscito dal carcere secondo voi chi cercherà di uccidere? Forse chi lo ha arrestato, a partire dai suoi familiari (era il piano iniziale prima che lo catturassero)?

Non me ne voglia sig. Konrath ma poteva impegnarsi di più! Avrei qualche suggerimento se vuole...in fondo ho qualche referenza in questo campo (Power & Supplies vi dice qualcosa?)